But its appeal and practicality remain contentious. And the new way of doing things comes with profound implications for the farming community.
Money is tight, and the future is scarily uncertain.
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KARBALA — Inside the shrine and mosque covered by mosaics, the crowd is rushing to touch the silver edge of the martyr's tomb. Among the crowd is Manjour, 37, who came all the way from Gurajat, India, to honor his "leader," Al-Husayn ibn ‘Ali, the third Shia imam.
Even as fierce battles and terror attacks have plagued Baghdad and Mosul to the north, millions of pilgrims travel here each year from across the Muslim world to pay homage to Imam Husayn, next to whom lies the remains of his eldest son, Ali al-Akhbar, and 77 other martyrs of the battle of Karbala in 680, the starting point of the Sunni-Shia war that continues to rage 14 centuries later.
Across from the Imam Husayn Mosque stands the great mausoleum of his half-brother Abbas in Karbala, a city largely dedicated to its glorious Islamic past. "Husayn and Abbas embody courage," says Mohammed Rahim, an Iranian who is visiting Karbala for the seventh time. "They are examples we have to follow."
Each year, an estimated 30 million Shia pilgrims flock to the holy city of some 1.1 million residents. Two religious foundations oversee the two mausoleums like mini empires. And though a lucrative activity, it is out of question for the corruption-plagued government of Baghdad, even though it is Shia, to get involved in the foundations' business.
"With 6,500 employees, we are like a small nation that works quite well, without corruption," says young Ayatollah Sheikh Ahmad Safi, who runs the Abbas mausoleum foundation. "All the investments we make are without the intervention of Baghdad. Iraqi politicians sometimes come to see us and ask us for advice, but they never follow them."
His foundation only receives 10% of the donations and taxes collected by Shia clergy for Karbala sanctuaries. The Husayn foundation receives 80% of the donations, making it the most valuable religious foundation of the Shia community. In Karbala, pilgrims and honeymooners alike can stay in one of several newly built resort hotel. A major new airport, named "Imam Husayn," is set to open between Karbala and the neighboring holy city of Najaf, with the capacity to welcome 20 million passengers annually. It is part of a network aiming to link key Shia religious destinations in Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, Pakistan and India.
The growth in Karbala is a kind of revival
The Husayn foundation is spreading its influence globally in other ways. In January, it opened an office in Paris, while a Koranic Sciences center has opened in Indonesia and a cultural center in Denmark. It also publishes a trimestral French-language revue called Renaissance ("rebirth").
The activity reveals the current state of mind of Iraqi Shias: "Karbala was partly destroyed by Saddam Hussein's Army after the uprising of 1991," recalls Riad al-Hakim, son of a top Shia cleric imprisoned between 1983 and 1991 before fleeing to Iran. The current power and growth of Karbala is a form of revival, with hopes that it can become a new hub of the "Shia Axis' that spreads from Iran to Lebanon through Syria.
Outside the Husayn Mosque, hundreds of women wearing chadors are waiting in the scorching heat to come inside. Under tight security, every worshiper must go through a meticulous body search to get close to the tomb. For a good reason. These huge religious gatherings are a target for ISIS, the Sunni Islamic terror group, which Shias are now actively combating.
"Our men fought in the battle of Mosul," says Ahmed Rida al-Khafaji from the militia of Husayn mausoleum, which numbers 3,500 soldiers.
Milita fighters receives a $750 monthly paycheck from the Kafeel Society, which manages the foundation as an empire. Such daily products as Kafeel Yogurt, Kafeel Cola and Kafeel Water are provided by the society. But Kafeel also controls the trade of weapons with Iran.
Imam Husayn Mosque in Karbala — Photo: Larry E. Johns SFC
A few miles away from the city center stands the organization's latest pride: a brand new hospital ranked as the fifth most modern in Middle East. The healthcare facilities include 220 beds, and brings in top doctors from all over the world, from Australia to India to France. A surgeon, showing off a state-of-the-art U.S.-made MRI machine, notes that the hospital received patients from marginalized minority Shia communities in Saudi Arabia and Bahrain.
Karbala's institutions, however, have a complex relationship with the world's leading Shia nation, Iran. Teheran has made several donations in recent years to renovate the mausoleums, but a kind of rivalry is never far. The holy Iranian city of Qom is constantly fighting to impose its supremacy on the Shia world, and disputes over religious doctrine are common. Alaa, an Iraqi philosopher, says the disagreements run deep. "We refuse the Iranian government system based on the supremacy of religion over the temporal dimension," he says. As many of Iraqis, Alaa considers himself as an Arab Shia, not a Persian one.
A guide in Karbala notes that most Iranian pilgrims do not speak Arabic, and describes the Iran-Iraq relationship in the Shia sphere as "bittersweet" throughout history. More recently, Iran has focused on ensuring the security of their own compatriot pilgrims in Iraq, who tend to stay in their own hotels and spend Iranian currency.
In nearby Najaf, another Shia holy city, Sheikh Ali al-Boudeiri admits that "both Iran and Iraq share interests, but the political price is paid only on our side." He denounces what he calls the "two faces' of Iranian policy in Iraq: The first one, more obvious, consists in trade and exchanges; The second face is more hidden, aiming at a general control of Iraq. That, in some fundamental ways, would begin at the holy sites in Najaf and Karbala.
KARBALA — Inside the shrine and mosque covered by mosaics, the crowd is rushing to touch the silver edge of the martyr's tomb. Among the crowd is Manjour, 37, who came all the way from Gurajat, India, to honor his "leader," Al-Husayn ibn ‘Ali, the third Shia imam.
Even as fierce battles and terror attacks have plagued Baghdad and Mosul to the north, millions of pilgrims travel here each year from across the Muslim world to pay homage to Imam Husayn, next to whom lies the remains of his eldest son, Ali al-Akhbar, and 77 other martyrs of the battle of Karbala in 680, the starting point of the Sunni-Shia war that continues to rage 14 centuries later.
Across from the Imam Husayn Mosque stands the great mausoleum of his half-brother Abbas in Karbala, a city largely dedicated to its glorious Islamic past. "Husayn and Abbas embody courage," says Mohammed Rahim, an Iranian who is visiting Karbala for the seventh time. "They are examples we have to follow."
Each year, an estimated 30 million Shia pilgrims flock to the holy city of some 1.1 million residents. Two religious foundations oversee the two mausoleums like mini empires. And though a lucrative activity, it is out of question for the corruption-plagued government of Baghdad, even though it is Shia, to get involved in the foundations' business.
"With 6,500 employees, we are like a small nation that works quite well, without corruption," says young Ayatollah Sheikh Ahmad Safi, who runs the Abbas mausoleum foundation. "All the investments we make are without the intervention of Baghdad. Iraqi politicians sometimes come to see us and ask us for advice, but they never follow them."
His foundation only receives 10% of the donations and taxes collected by Shia clergy for Karbala sanctuaries. The Husayn foundation receives 80% of the donations, making it the most valuable religious foundation of the Shia community. In Karbala, pilgrims and honeymooners alike can stay in one of several newly built resort hotel. A major new airport, named "Imam Husayn," is set to open between Karbala and the neighboring holy city of Najaf, with the capacity to welcome 20 million passengers annually. It is part of a network aiming to link key Shia religious destinations in Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, Pakistan and India.
The growth in Karbala is a kind of revival
The Husayn foundation is spreading its influence globally in other ways. In January, it opened an office in Paris, while a Koranic Sciences center has opened in Indonesia and a cultural center in Denmark. It also publishes a trimestral French-language revue called Renaissance ("rebirth").
The activity reveals the current state of mind of Iraqi Shias: "Karbala was partly destroyed by Saddam Hussein's Army after the uprising of 1991," recalls Riad al-Hakim, son of a top Shia cleric imprisoned between 1983 and 1991 before fleeing to Iran. The current power and growth of Karbala is a form of revival, with hopes that it can become a new hub of the "Shia Axis' that spreads from Iran to Lebanon through Syria.
Outside the Husayn Mosque, hundreds of women wearing chadors are waiting in the scorching heat to come inside. Under tight security, every worshiper must go through a meticulous body search to get close to the tomb. For a good reason. These huge religious gatherings are a target for ISIS, the Sunni Islamic terror group, which Shias are now actively combating.
"Our men fought in the battle of Mosul," says Ahmed Rida al-Khafaji from the militia of Husayn mausoleum, which numbers 3,500 soldiers.
Milita fighters receives a $750 monthly paycheck from the Kafeel Society, which manages the foundation as an empire. Such daily products as Kafeel Yogurt, Kafeel Cola and Kafeel Water are provided by the society. But Kafeel also controls the trade of weapons with Iran.
Imam Husayn Mosque in Karbala — Photo: Larry E. Johns SFC
A few miles away from the city center stands the organization's latest pride: a brand new hospital ranked as the fifth most modern in Middle East. The healthcare facilities include 220 beds, and brings in top doctors from all over the world, from Australia to India to France. A surgeon, showing off a state-of-the-art U.S.-made MRI machine, notes that the hospital received patients from marginalized minority Shia communities in Saudi Arabia and Bahrain.
Karbala's institutions, however, have a complex relationship with the world's leading Shia nation, Iran. Teheran has made several donations in recent years to renovate the mausoleums, but a kind of rivalry is never far. The holy Iranian city of Qom is constantly fighting to impose its supremacy on the Shia world, and disputes over religious doctrine are common. Alaa, an Iraqi philosopher, says the disagreements run deep. "We refuse the Iranian government system based on the supremacy of religion over the temporal dimension," he says. As many of Iraqis, Alaa considers himself as an Arab Shia, not a Persian one.
A guide in Karbala notes that most Iranian pilgrims do not speak Arabic, and describes the Iran-Iraq relationship in the Shia sphere as "bittersweet" throughout history. More recently, Iran has focused on ensuring the security of their own compatriot pilgrims in Iraq, who tend to stay in their own hotels and spend Iranian currency.
In nearby Najaf, another Shia holy city, Sheikh Ali al-Boudeiri admits that "both Iran and Iraq share interests, but the political price is paid only on our side." He denounces what he calls the "two faces' of Iranian policy in Iraq: The first one, more obvious, consists in trade and exchanges; The second face is more hidden, aiming at a general control of Iraq. That, in some fundamental ways, would begin at the holy sites in Najaf and Karbala.
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The UK government wants its farming sector to transition to a more sustainable model. But farmers fear the complex post-Brexit agricultural policy and lack of EU subsidies are threatening their livelihood.
The UK’s farming landscape has changed dramatically since Brexit. Agricultural policy has been adjusted, and EU subsidies, which funded UK farming for decades, are no more.
Before the split, those subsidies helped British farmers to the tune of nearly £3 billion a year, which for some, made up 90% of their annual income. That system is now being phased out, in a move which the UK government claims will be more environmentally sustainable.
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Central to this new approach are “environmental land management schemes”, designed to encourage farmers to produce what are known as “public goods” – things like soil health and wildlife habitats – with financial payment levels dependent on which of these goods are attained. Defra aims for 70% farmer participation by 2028, with 11,000 farmers in England already enrolled.
But its appeal and practicality remain contentious. And the new way of doing things comes with profound implications for the farming community.
Money is tight, and the future is scarily uncertain.
Our work investigates the constraints and challenges facing farmers in the UK and abroad. Recently, we explored the constraints encountered by farmers since Brexit, specifically focusing on upland farms in England. We found that the focus on environmental sustainability, though commendable, overlooks critical economic and social dimensions.
The transition threatens to marginalise traditionally minded farmers, lose cultural heritage and weaken the rural community’s social fabric. And it’s a transition which doesn’t just affect the farmers themselves. The farming and food industries are valued at over £120 billion to the British economy.
Speaking to upland farmers (who work in hilly and mountainous regions) across four English counties (Yorkshire, Lancashire, Cumbria and Devon), we discovered that many are extremely concerned about the future of the farms they look after. Farms that for some, have been in their families for generations.
I don’t even bother with these newer schemes because I don’t understand it.
One 70-year-old farmer from Lancashire commented bluntly about the future of his 250-acre beef and sheep farm: “We’re not going to be viable.”
He added: “I might as well stop farming and diversify into holiday lets.”
Another farmer, aged 50, who keeps Herdwick sheep in the Lake District, highlighted the critical role of EU subsidies, noting that their planned removal by 2027 would severely limit their farm’s finances and their ability to pursue environmental initiatives.
She said: “With that basic payment taken out of the business, it’s really difficult. We can make about £10,000 profit, but our basic payment is more than that. So that’s going to take us into a situation where we’re not making any money.”
There were also concerns expressed about how difficult it is to understand the new farming policy in the UK. Four in ten UK farmers are aged over 65, and information laid out in the 150-page “Sustainable Farming Incentive” document can be overwhelming. Many traditional farmers do not use mobile phones, and are unfamiliar with the online world.
Farmers bring their tractors into London duringa protest organised by Save Briish Farming and Farmers for Fairness.
Cal Ford/ZUMA
One farmer told us: “In my porch I’ve got like a thousand leaflets stacked up that [Defra] just sent me to take out to people because a lot of the farmers that I’m working with are not online. They haven’t heard about a lot of this stuff.”
She added: “I went to a farm last week, which is only accessible with a 4x4. Nobody’s been there to talk to them about schemes and stuff ever.”
Another said farmer, aged 72, said: “All the form filling is too damn difficult. I don’t even bother with these newer schemes because I don’t understand it.”
And while new schemes may be complex, many of the farmers we spoke to were very clear about the risks to the future of British farming. Overall, they seemed worried that farms, skills and knowledge that have been passed down through generations would be lost during this transition to more sustainable farming.
One said: “If farming isn’t going to be supported in the way it has been in the past, we’re going to lose an awful lot of farmers who have been on farms [for generations]. Their skill set and instinct will be gone, and it’ll be enveloped by agribusiness. That’s perhaps what [the government] want.”
The future seems pretty bleak.
Another explained: “If we lose the older generation that’s a massive loss."
"What used to happen with tenancies is people would work together, like me and my son. And then one would gradually step back and the other would gradually take over. It’s a gradual process.”
Overall, we found that for the more traditional farmers we spoke to, the future seemed pretty bleak. There was also a strong sense that while the farms they operated may not be hugely profitable, or provide the strongest environmental benefits, the work they do still had social and cultural value – which risks being lost forever.
And as England navigates the complexities of post-Brexit agricultural policy, the balance between environmental goals and the preservation of traditional farming practices remains precarious. Many of the farmers we met felt that they were being pushed away from their traditional role as producers.
As one farmer put it: “If you’re taking productive land out of production for your tree planting or diversification of whatever kind, then where’s our food coming from?”
*Peter Gittins, Lecturer in Management, University of Leeds and Deema Refai, Associate Professor in Enterprise and Entrepreneurship, University of Leeds
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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